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Public practiceBy Robert Colapinto
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Top left to right: behind the scenes
player David Amonson; Alberta Energy Minister Greg Melchin; Liberal
MP Paul Szabo.
Bottom left: Liberal MP Roy Cullen; and right, former Prince Rupert, BC, mayor Don Scott |
Most recently, in the last Parliament, the vice-chairman of the Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates, Szabo who also holds an MBA and BSc has occupied a number of high-profile posts, from member of both the Health and Finance Committees to parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Public Works and Government Services. Yet, over the past 12 years he has been most active in introducing private members bills and motions he hopes will make a real and quantifiable difference in family and childrens issues. "Ones financial expertise is not so important in these areas," he says. "Pushing bills, framing issues, leading committees, standing in Parliament and speaking extemporaneously [for which Szabo is considered most expert], all require some time in the trenches."
Despite years of preparation for a life in public office Szabo first ran and lost in 1980 both Szabo and Cullen admit the learning curve on Parliament Hill has been rather steep. Understanding and adapting to the politics of politics is no easy thing, says Cullen. "It took a while to get comfortable just learning how to become a politician, " he says. And by no means does he ascribe any pejorative connotation to this word. "Politics is a noble profession, if your sole intent is to the service of the public good," he says. "I cant imagine having gone so far in the last decade without that as my impetus."
At the time of the vote of nonconfidence, Cullen was working the anti-terrorism beat as parliamentary secretary to then deputy prime minister Anne McLellan, the influential politico charged with running the nations Ministry of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness. This and his longstanding involvement with a global initiative to fight the scourge of corruption and money-laundering offers a perspective on public service and the expertise of the CA he could not have imagined when he first entered the business world more than 30 years ago. "Applying the tools you perfected over so many years on such a large stage is just incredibly satisfying," says Cullen. "I now have the feel both for the politics of the politics on a global scale as well as the business smarts required to make those politics work. The level of contentment I feel and the drive I have to get up and get on with my work each day has been extraordinary."
For some politically minded CAs, a very public life can be fraught with treachery and disappointment. Don Scott was anything but a political animal when he was first tapped to run for mayor of Prince Rupert, BC. Still, he could not resist the assurances of the Pacific regions savvy political machine that he was their best hope for the rejuvenation of the beleaguered port city. The city had fallen on hard times with its pulp mill teetering on bankruptcy and closure. Scott, a highly regarded private practitioner, was untarnished by the broken promises and failures of previous administrations. "I had no formal ties to the NDP, who had hoped to keep the mill open but were having trouble, or to the Liberals who wanted to shut it down," he says. "Some pretty influential people thought Id be ideal, given that I had a head for business and came in with so little political baggage."
Scott had been a past president of the Prince Rupert Chamber of Commerce and successfully ran the airport authority and its transition from federal to municipal control. His presidency of the local Rotary club also gave him an entre'e to powerful movers and shakers of the regions political and economic elite. It was pretty heady stuff, he admits, to be lauded as the can-do guy for a city on the verge of catastrophe. Scott won the mayoral race handily in 1999 and right off the bat, his tenure was fraught with challenges. The provincial Liberals came to power and promptly abandoned support of the ailing mill. "My CA background helped in working with the municipality to try to finance its saving," he recalls, "and some people respected my integrity and accepted that I had a better idea than most of the financial mechanics of the problem." But the mill was doomed and Scott embarked on a tumultuous ride from 1999 to 2002, trying to bring life back to the embattled city.
"I found the whole experience pretty cutthroat," he says, recalling how his political allies drifted away and his enemies moved in for the kill during the 2002 municipal election. "Some pretty well-timed newspaper headlines days before the vote did me in," he says with some bitterness. "I had been leading in the advance polls before all the mud slinging. I must say I was a real neophyte as far as all that was concerned," he says. In the end, Scott lost by a mere 18 votes. Although retired from public practice he sold his practice in 1999 he remains active in the community. He was named to the Priddle panel, an advisory panel put together to gather the views of BC residents on offshore oil and gas development.
David Amonson, FCA, finds these rough and tumble political machinations disheartening, yet unavoidable even for the most grizzled veteran. He was a founding member of the Reform Party of Canada back in 1987 and is no stranger to the backstabbing, betrayal and disillusionment that is part and parcel of political life. "Unfortunately, thats the game a lot of them play," he says. "Too many of our politicians come in predisposed to serving their constituency, but fall prey to this politics-for-politics-sake internal strife. In the end, they get far less accomplished than we, the people, expect from them."
With the dissolution of Reform, Am-onson preferred to work more behind-the-scenes for its successor, Stephen Harpers Canadian Alliance Party. When not focusing his energy on work as a principal in a Calgary-based public accounting firm, his political interest leans more to the CAs forte of critical thinking and analysis. As the author of the book Towards Improving Canada, Amonson uses his professional expertise to champion reform initiatives for simplifying the Canadian tax system. "In my case, its the development of policy initiatives," he says. "And for my party, its finding solutions for those we feel have been left out of the decision-making process." From Reform to Canadian Alliance to the amalgamation of the latter and the Progressive Conservative Party into Harpers Conservative Party of Canada, Amonson remains committed to maintaining Reforms original western-based Conservative platform. "Despite the dramatic changes, it is quite a time to be a part of the political world," he says.
Yet Amonson believes a CA designation can actually be more detriment than advantage for some. "In a sense, I find that the CA experience limits you, because you try to do what you were taught, which is to be straightforward, fair-minded and thorough," he says. "Managing the art of the impossible, and the media, etc., we as CAs dont have to respond to as many changes" as politicians do. Scott says he is a testament to the outsider trying to do good who was simply not prepared for the political cut and thrust when times got tough. "Im prepared now, but back then, I really didnt have the armor to protect myself," he says. Bitter infighting within the business world was one thing, he recalls. It was almost always visible in its skirmishes for recognition, power and turf. Similar struggles in politics, Scott believes, tend to be more subtle and internecine as competing interests vie to topple each other and their agendas.
"Its such a different world," says Szabo. "You can actually be attacked for pursuing the betterment of this profession." For some time now, Szabo has decried the unseemly behaviour most Canadians view as de rigueur during question period. Oddly, Szabo would actually like to get something accomplished during these often-inelegant sessions, rather than just present an opportunity for some members to get a little face time on television. "Theres a lot of stuff thats said and done in the House thats not up to a business level," he says. "You certainly wouldnt get away with it in the corporate world. They can say some awful things, building themselves up by tearing others down. This has always been foreign to me coming from my background." But to criticize ones own is to threaten accusations of putting on airs of superiority. "But all I want, like so many other members," he says with some heat, "is to get some work done."
For his part, Scott refuses to sink to the level of those who might have dethroned his 2002 candidacy. "It really was about improving the lot of constituents and getting on with the work," he says. "So I could never have employed the tactics of those who opposed me."
Amonson believes his point is proved by such high-minded approaches to the political imbroglio. He is convinced that CAs have an ingrained integrity born over years of training and professional practice that is quite incompatible with certain political fights. "Lets face it," he says, "this is a profession founded on ethics and credibility, and as such, it can be quite a strain for those who find themselves thrust into that occasional tussle in the muck." The most damaging battles for political CAs, he believes, are those that result in a lack of clarity in hard-won policies and programs. "By obscuring an issue, you simply promote the creation of greater and more expensive bureaucracies designed to combat the confusion," he says.
It is the CAs natural inclination to strive for a plain-speaking simplification of complex issues and not to unnecessarily complicate the political or business world, according to Amonson. To promote the latter, he says, is to invite the blurring of peoples true needs as well as the real-world costs of governance. "This is where our training and experience is of some good," he says. "All citizens know that the bills are eventually going to come in, but a bloated bureaucracy obscures the financial and social price we all have to pay."
Translating government policies into hard dollar costs and benefits has been the particular expertise of Greg Melchin, Progressive Conservative MLA for Calgary North-West since 1997. The provinces energy minister is at the helm of one of the most powerful and moneyed portfolios in the country. His mission is to manage that wealth befitting a CA who had devoted more than 20 years to a career in financial and business administration. "In Canadian politics you cant find a better place to be right now than energy minister," he says. "But its also a very weighty and humbling position, for I know that given the majority government we have here, one always has to be wary of how that power is wielded."
Melchin, like Scott, was wooed into politics at a time when many of the challenges of his business life had been met or exceeded. After seven years as vice-president of nationwide commercial real estate concern Torode Realty Ltd., Melchin was hungry for a new start. "I just said why not," he says, still slightly startled by his plunge into the unknown. "And then I just barely won the nomination, and before I knew it, it was Gee, what have I done? Theres my name on the ballot; Ive set these wheels in motion and now what? " Next was a landslide victory for the PCs and Melchins rise, primarily within a number of increasingly influential finance portfolios.
Prior to his selection as energy minister, Melchin reached the fiscal pinnacle with his posting as Minister of Revenue and vice-chair of the Standing Policy Committee on Economic Development and Finance. "Clearly, I had been typecast, and rightly so, I suppose. If there is anything Ive learned over the years, its that we need a heck of a lot more politicians with financial and business backgrounds," he says. Not that he thinks poorly of the many lawyers who populate the countrys cabinets and backbenches. "Its just that as our world gets more complex, the legalese of our legislation starts to be far less important than the nuts and bolts of how we control and use the taxpayers money."
Melchin makes no bones about his perception of how todays governments are organized and where their focus should lie. "Theyre huge corporations really," he says, "with billions and billions of dollars running in and out of their coffers every year." Without a level-headed bureaucracy and elected CEOs, all could go to hell in a handbasket, he says.
Although somewhat apart from Amon-son politically, Melchin also frets about inefficient, out-of-touch bureaucracies and the potential for abuse of power. He likes to consider himself more as a facilitator of the peoples needs, rather than an omnipotent decision-maker who knows all and will, as he sees fit, dole out the goodies to his minions. "Especially in a majority government, you have to take great care when considering what has been entrusted to you by the actual stakeholders of this wealth the people," he says. "I just facilitate and put the right structures in place that help catalyze peoples natural urge to grow and prosper."
"The number of times Ive had members stand in the House and say, Well, I know the member is a CA and he understands this stuff, is pretty often," says Szabo. In many ways, he finds this recognition to be quite the compliment, "but in others, its kind of scary because we dont, in fact, have all the answers, and shouldnt." Szabo and Cullen know their limits. "There are certain expectations we cant avoid," Cullen says. "As an effective MP, youve got to pick your niche, and a CA will do that."
And always lurking is the quagmire of political expedience and diluting compromise, a perversion common to both worlds, but of far more import to the well- being of the people whose trust lies with these converted CAs. "We all come in with lofty notions of making a difference," says Szabo. "The challenge is to stick to our guns and not betray that trust."
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